A Foundering Civilization
Robert de Marcellus
W
hen the
Titanic struck an
iceberg on the night of April 14, 1912, no one thought there was any
real danger. After all, the ship was "unsinkable." Crew members
reassured the passengers, who continued to eat, drink, dance, and
eventually sleep. Reality started to set in only when the ship’s
Second Officer, Charles S. Lightoller, noticed that, with all the
pumps working, the level of water in the stairwell was still
creeping up and up. When the
Titanic slipped below the
surface, it shocked out of its complacency a world that felt it had
almost achieved mastery of its destiny.
The
story of the Titanic provides a vivid metaphor for the
current demographic state of the world’s industrialized nations.
Like the passengers of the Titanic, today’s public, news
media, and government leaders are oblivious to ominous news—in this
case, the quiet unfolding of the most portentous event of modern
history: the failure of current generations to produce enough
children to replace themselves. A French historian, Professor Pierre
Chaunu, has called this failure "the White Pestilence," because,
unless successfully combatted, it will eradicate European and other
industrialized populations as surely as the Black Death destroyed
the cities and towns of the Middle Ages. The loss of millions of
young men in World War I was regarded at the time as a catastrophe
of unequaled proportions, but, while today’s White Pestilence is
progressing quietly and without physical devastation, the impact on
industrialized societies will be incomparably more severe and long
lasting. Sustained below-replacement fertility affects almost every
facet of national life. The funding through tax dollars of medical
and retirement benefits, national defense, basic research,
education, and infrastructure construction, to name but a few,
relies on the efforts of working citizens. And that is in addition
to the effect on the economy itself.
The
remorseless figures
There
is no question of what is taking place. The data on fertility—the
average number of children per woman—are carefully recorded and
published by the governments of all modern nations. It is well
established that in nations with modern health standards an average
of 2.1 children per woman is needed to maintain a steady
population—the "replacement level" (one child to replace each
parent, and a fraction extra to replace children who die before
reaching reproductive age, as well as to compensate for the slightly
smaller number of female than male births).
How
ominous are the current fertility figures? Very ominous. The
fertility rate of Italy and Spain, for example, now hovers around
1.2. Japan is only slightly better off, at 1.46 and France at 1.6.
The United States’ fertility rate is currently at an almost healthy
2.0, but for a period in the late Seventies it was as low as 1.73. A
rate as low as Italy’s or Spain’s means that in every generation
the native population will be nearly halved. Furthermore, unlike
a population decimated by war or pestilence, populations with low
fertility age before they die, creating enormous economic burdens
for the remaining young workers.
As the
proportion of the non-working elderly to the working young
increases, the income of young workers is increasingly absorbed by
taxes. The ratio of the population aged 65 and over to the
population aged 15 to 64 is known as the "elderly dependency ratio."
While in most industrialized countries the ratio is now around 20%,
in only thirty-three years it is expected to nearly double in the
United States and France, and more than double in Japan, Germany,
Italy, and Canada. In Italy, for example, unless the fertility rate
rises dramatically, the elderly dependency ratio will grow from
23.8% in 1995 to 37.5% in 2020 to 60.0% by 2050. Dramatic aging of
the population will occur in Japan, Germany, and Italy in just 12 ½
years, and in the other industrialized countries in another twenty
years. Any nation whose tax base, production, and consumer base
declines as precipitously as those of Europe appear destined to do
faces economic and social catastrophe on a proportion not seen in
modern times.
Projected Ratio of
Population Over 65 to that Between 15 and 64
COUNTRY
1995 2000 2010 2020 2030
2050
United
States 19.2 19 20.4 27.6 36.8 38.4
Japan 20.3 24.3 33
43 44.5 54
Germany 22.3 23.8
30.3 35.4 49.2 51.9
France 22.1 23.6
24.6 32.3 39.1 43.5
Italy 23.8 26.5
31.2 37.5 48.3 60
United
Kingdom 24.3 24.4 25.8 31.2 39 41.2
Canada 17.5 18.2
20.4 28.4 39 41.8
Source: Sheetal K.
Chand and Albert Jaeger, "Aging Populations and Public Pension
Schemes" Occasional Paper 147, International Monetary Fund,
Washington, DC 1996, p. 4.
Note:
The IMF figures assume, "perhaps optimistically," a return of the
fertility rate in all countries to 2.1 over the next four decades.
The actual increase in the dependent/working ratio will probably be
much more drastic unless immigration rates increase
appreciably.
Why is
such a phenomenon not more widely remarked on? Why is it not the
center of all government policy?
In the
case of the Titanic, equanimity was bred of ignorance about
the extent of the damage and the way the ship was constructed. In
the present population crisis, equanimity is bred of ignorance of
the etiology of the much-publicized "world population explosion"
since the end of World War II. In fact, world population has
grown markedly. However, it has done so mostly not through an
increase in the fertility rate but through a decrease in the
mortality rate owing to unprecedented advances in public health, in
areas such as water purification, malaria control, and inoculations.
What has taken place is a doubling and tripling of the number of
generations alive at one time. When average life
expectancy was 35 years in much of the world, many parents died
before their children had reached reproductive age. Suddenly, in the
span of a few decades, not only are parents living at the same time
as their adult children, but so are grandparents and sometimes
great-grandparents. As Nicholas Eberstadt, former Harvard professor
and consultant to the World Bank and the Agency for International
Development, has phrased it, "Population growth is not due to the
fact that people are breeding like rabbits, but that they have
stopped dying like flies."
Failing to understand
the principal reason for the postwar population growth and ignoring
basic economic theory, "experts" and the popular press have for over
30 years deluged us with "standing room only" scenarios marked by
famines and disasters. In fact, the postwar population increase has
brought with it enormous economic growth, resulting in better diets
and more wealth throughout the world. The famines that have occurred
have almost all resulted from specific policies of dictatorial
governments, as in Ethiopia, or of government ineptitude in trying
to force farmers into socialist economies, as in the old Soviet
Union. Population density has been no bar to economic development
and improved living conditions in free economies, even in areas with
limited or no natural resources, as is attested to by the success of
Hong Kong and Singapore. Prices have been falling for almost all
resources, from food to minerals to fuels, indicating greater
plenitude, because as population has grown, so have the ability,
knowledge, and numbers of the producers. New resources have been
discovered or produced faster than the old ones have been used.
(Whale oil was once considered to be a diminishing prime
resource.)
Gary
Becker, Nobel Laureate economist from the University of Chicago,
credits the success of the new economies in Asia to their ability to
create "human capital." He calculates that 80% of wealth exists in
the form of human capital—factors such as education, family support
systems, and the development of the work ethic. Human capital,
however, like natural resources, requires continual renewal.
When
the industrial nations first experienced below-replacement-level
fertility, demographic projections assumed a return to the
replacement level. This has not occurred, and there was never any
reason to think it would, absent a conscious effort to cause it to
do so. This effort has not been made, partly because policy makers
are still fixated on "Limits to Growth" overpopulation scenarios,
partly because breaking a vicious circle can cause more short-term
pain than politicians will readily inflict.
A
Warning from History
What
is now happening to the industrialized world appears to be such a
new phenomenon that many are in denial; population collapse and the
resulting economic and social collapse "just cannot happen."
But it can happen, and did at least twice in the ancient
world. The primary cause of the demise of the Roman empire, and
previously of the Greek city-states, appears to have been population
collapse on a massive scale.
Over a
period of two to three hundred years, starting at the time of Marcus
Aurelius Antoninus in 150 C.E., the population of Rome’s western
empire fell by more than 80%. Where once there had been six Roman
citizens, two to three centuries later there was only one. The
consequences of this depopulation included deserted cities and
farms; disintegrating roads and water and drainage systems;
mosquito-plagued swamps where there had been fields; once-fruitful
land overgrazed by sheep herds and eroded. The social and economic
chaos resulting from falling fertility in turn resulted in more
disease and less food, further depressing fertility. Finally, the
deepening shortage of recruits to man the military legions meant
depending on barbarian tribes to defend the borders, tribes who
ultimately sacked the empire.
The
collapse of the Roman population has been ascribed to a number of
factors. Increasing urbanization, with absentee landowners who
constantly increased their levies on the farmers until their lives
became hopeless, has been advanced as one reason by Professor
Chaunu. Changing social mores and epidemics have been given as
reasons by others. Probably many factors combined to lower
fertility, but there is no question about the result: economic and
social collapse, finally ushering in the Dark Ages.
A
similar collapse had taken place in ancient Greece a few centuries
earlier. Even as some writers of the age were concerned that the
future might bring overpopulation, fertility was falling. A few
understood the danger. Isocrates (431-338 B.C.E.) wrote: ". . .
those that die are not replaced." There were no official census
figures to give us an exact picture of the population’s collapse,
but there are figures on the number of taxpayers and voters. The
9,000 Spartan families that held land in the time of Lycurgus (a
Spartan leader in the ninth century B.C.E.) had dwindled to 5,000 by
the fifth century B.C.E., to 1,500 by the fourth century B.C.E., and
to 711 by the third century B.C.E.
During
the third century B.C.E. the entire territory of the Achaean league
(12 city-states of the Peloponnesus, east central Greece, and the
islands of Crete, Rhodes, Cephalonia, and Ithaca) could produce only
3,500 soldiers. In 146 B.C.E., the kingdom of Macedonia and the
Etolian and Achaean leagues together were capable of fielding only
20,000 men.
The
Greek geographer and historian Strabo (63 B.C.E.-21 C.E.) described
Greece as "a land entirely deserted; the depopulation begun since
long continues. Roman soldiers camp in abandoned houses; Athens is
populated by statues." Plutarch observed that "one would no longer
find in Greece 3,000 hoplites [infantrymen]." The historian
Polybius (204-122 B.C.E.) wrote: "One remarks nowadays all over
Greece such a diminution in natality and in general manner such a
depopulation that the towns are deserted and the fields lie fallow.
Although this country has not been ravaged by wars or epidemics, the
cause of the harm is evident: by avarice or cowardice the people, if
they marry, will not bring up the children they ought to have. At
most they bring up one or two. It is in this way that the scourge
before it is noticed is rapidly developed. The remedy is in
ourselves; we have but to change our morals."
Causes
of Fertility Collapse
Why is
fertility collapsing today in the developed world? As in the ancient
world, there are doubtless several factors at work. The change from
agrarian to urban societies may have caused family life and children
to be less highly valued. Members of modern economies need more
years of education to acquire the skills for wealth creation; the
time needed for acquiring education and establishing a career can
cause women to put off marriage till age thirty or later, reducing
the prime childbearing years by almost half. In the United States,
acquiring that education can saddle young couples with high debts
that may further postpone their having children, and high taxation
on their earnings can create the perception that having more than
one or two children is beyond their means. In many European nations,
high social welfare costs and other public policies have restrained
economic growth and created high and enduring unemployment, which
affects the young disproportionately. Marriages again are therefore
postponed, or young couples may be forced to live with parents in
crowded housing that affords no room for children.
Changing sexual mores
are also a factor. The social stigma on cohabitation has been
greatly reduced, especially in cities. Abortion is readily
available. Divorce is commomplace and, for many women, ends their
childbearing.
Increased employment of
women in the marketplace is yet another factor. Many women enter the
workforce because of a desire for independence and professional
opportunities. Many others, however, would gladly stay at home to
care for children if they thought it economically feasible.
Ironically, the entry of women into the labor force to better the
family financial picture has tended to lower the average wages of
husbands, who now must compete for jobs in a more crowded labor
market. Engaging women in the labor force has always been in the
short-term interests of business, which profits from the expanded
labor market, a factor that has no doubt contributed to the historic
growth in developed economies over the last several decades. In the
long term, however, business must suffer from population collapse,
just as it has prospered from the population growth which has
produced more and larger markets.
Economic
Effects
We
have seen the ultimate effects of population implosion in the cases
of ancient Greece and Rome. How does a persistently low fertility
rate affect a modern industrialized economy?
Testifying before the
Congressional Subcommittee on Social Security, Paul S. Hewitt,
Project Director for the Global Aging Initiative of the Center for
Strategic and International Studies, described the course of events:
"Aging recessions are marked by declining asset values, falling
levels of consumption, spikes in precautionary saving by aged
workers, falling growth rates and hence tax revenues, chronic budget
deficits, declining returns on investment, capital outflows, and
currency crises. If this sounds familiar, it should. Japan, in my
opinion, already is in an aging recession. Its population has
leveled off and soon will decline. Consumer spending has fallen for
29 straight months. Property values have collapsed. The retail and
construction sectors are on deficit-financed life support. Due to
the unique characteristics of Japan’s social compact, the economy
remains more or less at full employment. Yet under these conditions,
fiscal stimulus is ineffective, since you cannot stimulate an
economy when there are few workers to bring into the labor force.
Monetary policy is also proving counterproductive, to the extent
that lowering of rates of return merely prompts aging workers to
save more. After 2010, these conditions are likely to prevail
throughout much of Europe as well.
"Indeed, in its
flagging currency, the euro, Europe, too, is beginning to exhibit
symptoms of decline. Capital is fleeing the Continent at an
unprecedented rate. Despite today’s unfavorable exchange rates and
the supposed overvaluation of U.S. equities, German companies
announced $94 billion in U.S. acquisitions in August alone. One
reason for this is that European firms face the prospect of
declining unit sales for as far as the eye can see. [Emphasis
added.] A real estate shakeout is also on the horizon. Italy,
Germany, and several smaller countries will experience dramatic
declines in their household forming age groups—Italy could have 30
percent fewer persons aged 25-40 by 2020. These kinds of pressures
are sure to weaken household and financial institution balance
sheets, spawning weakness elsewhere."
How
Much Time?
Despite the recession
of the last few months, the United States has some time to spare.
But not much, as witness recent worries over Social Security and
Medicare.
Begun
in 1937, the American Social Security system paid its first benefits
in 1940 to 220,000 beneficiaries. Benefits were funded through a 1%
tax on workers taken from their pay each week and a corresponding
tax on their employers. Although Social Security was initially
"sold," politically, as a kind of annuity, a worker’s tax payments
are not invested for his own needs in old age but rather are used to
pay benefits to the currently retired (leaving aside the recent
practice of borrowing from the Social Security trust fund). When
each worker retires, new taxes from younger workers are needed to
fund his benefits. The system has therefore been likened to a Ponzi
scheme, which pays large dividends to stockholders but does so only
by finding an ever larger number of new investors, until the scheme
must ultimately fail. Because both the number of workers entitled to
benefits and the size of the benefits have grown significantly over
the last 60 years, the combined tax on the employer and employee is
today 12.4%, plus an additional 2.9% to fund medical care for the
elderly.
The
Social Security Ponzi scheme will start to collapse in about 10
years, when the first members of the "baby boom" generation reach
retirement age. At that point, the government will have to choose
among reducing benefits, greatly raising taxes on the still smaller
proportion of working families, or devaluing the currency. The most
likely course will be a combination of reduced benefits and higher
taxes, which will tend to further reduce the number of children that
young couples feel they can afford, thus compounding the problem in
later years.
Serious as the problem
of funding Social Security is, the problem of funding Medicare may
well dwarf it. According to a report issued by the Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD): "Medicare expenditures
have been growing much faster than GDP (Gross Domestic Product)
already, even though members of the baby-boom generation have not
reached 65 yet. Such growth is due to a combination of factors,
including a high elasticity for health care spending, deficiencies
in controlling demand, but also the rapidity with which
technological change is introduced. . . . An ageing population, when
coupled with the diffusion of medical technologies, could lead to an
even greater increase in demand for medical services . . . than the
simple increase in the number of 65 and over would suggest . . .
Official estimates show Medicare and Medicaid net spending [as]
rising much more rapidly than Social Security spending . . .
doubling as a share of GDP in thirty years.
"Official projections
assume that the growth of Medicare costs will slow to the rate of
per capita GDP between 2010 and 2020. No rationale is provided for
this assumption, other than that otherwise spending would grow
unreasonably fast." In fact, Medicare costs have soared since the
program’s inception. Starting at $3.4 billion in 1966, they had
doubled to $7.2 billion in just four years; by 1980 the program cost
$35 billion, by 1990, $109.7 billion. The problem is not—as is
sometimes stated—that Americans are living longer. The problem is
the abrupt fall in U.S. fertility after 1970. Had U.S. fertility
remained at its average 1947-1964 figure of 3.37, there would today
be over one and a third times as many workers under age thirty-three
paying into the Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds, and there
would be no impending disaster. In short, American couples have
raised too few children over the last thirty years to pay for the
cost of their own retirement and medical care in old
age.
A Way
Out?
Societies are gripped
in a vicious circle. Fewer births create an aging population, which
in turn requires increasing support through higher taxes, thus
placing increasing pressure on young couples, who respond by
producing fewer children. Politicians, too, are trapped in a box.
Promised spending programs for the elderly become increasingly
costly as populations age, and, as the elderly form a larger
proportion of the population, they acquire increasing political
power. Furthermore, our election cycles are so short that no
politician can succeed by focusing on demographic and economic
problems that will not become apparent to voters for another ten or
twenty years.
Immigration is
sometimes cited as a solution. However, unless the immigrants
reproduce above the replacement level, they will only add to the
aging population down the line. And if they do reproduce faster than
the native population, this would be likely to change the character
of the society in ways that many Europeans and Americans would find
unacceptable.
However, there may be a
workable solution, at least in the United States where the problem
is not as severe as in Europe. The answer lies in an enlightened
family policy.
Population
Policy
The
only "population policies" that the United States has pursued have
been attempts to lower the fertility of developing nations. These
policies are succeeding only too well. In 1992 the World Health
Organization reported that, over twenty years, fertility in the
developing nations had already fallen from 6.1 to 3.9. By now, some
developing nations are dipping below the replacement level. Money
spent on driving down even faster the fertility of developing
nations would be much more wisely spent on boosting the United
States’ own fertility.
There
is evidence that policies which support families with children are
effective in raising fertility. Shortly before World War II, France,
with a population depleted by the appalling losses of World War I
and suffering from the lowest fertility rate in Europe, implemented
a family-support policy. This program provided cash support for each
child; it was commonly said at the time that the third child enabled
a family to buy a car. Family size grew rapidly and became one of
the largest in Europe.
Gradually, however,
what had started as a "family policy" became a "social policy" that
provided a plethora of programs for all sectors of the population.
The proportion of family allowances to family income steadily
decreased, as it was not adjusted for inflation. Wives gradually
found that it was financially more rewarding to enter the work force
than to raise children, and French fertility has since declined. The
economist Jean-Didier Lecaillon believes that the reduced value of
the family allowance was an important factor in this decline.
However, the remaining allowance may well still account for the
advantage that France, with a rate of fertility of approximately
1.6, enjoys over Italy, at 1.2. Prior to reunification with the
Federal Republic, East Germany started a similar program of
allowances, also with appreciable success.
The
United States has never had a program of direct government aid to
intact families; however, tax law following World War II practically
shielded families with two or more children from federal income
taxes. Because of the personal exemption, a median-income family
with four children paid no federal income tax in 1948. "Bracket
creep" gradually wore down the value of the personal exemption, as
the exemption remained constant, while inflation edged—and
eventually, in the 1970s, spiraled—upward. Measured as a percentage
of income, the income-tax burden rose most dramatically for families
with children. The 1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act finally indexed
tax brackets and exemptions to inflation, and, in 1986, the personal
exemption was increased, but not nearly enough to make up for the
years of decline in its value. Today, given not only inflation but
also the rise in tax rates, we would need a personal exemption of
over $12,000 to provide the same tax shield to families attempting
to raise children as the $600 exemption did in the early postwar
years. Were the family’s tax exemptions or child tax credits
increased to this value, it is reasonable to expect that many wives
would opt to leave the work force and rear additional children. The
promised new child tax credit of $1,000 is a step in the right
direction, but only a small step.
Singles and older
taxpayers grumble at any tax break offered specifically to families
with children, but this is shortsighted. The overall fairness of a
child-oriented tax policy becomes apparent when one considers that
it is the children of those parents who elect to have them who will
form the tax base in decades to come. Singles and couples who raise
no children expect to draw Social Security and Medicare benefits in
old age, but these benefits will be funded, under our present
system, only through the taxes paid by other people’s children. And
each of those children, according to the U.S. Department of
Agriculture, will cost the parents over $236,660 (adjusted for
inflation) to raise to age 17, not including investment for higher
education. It is indeed fair, therefore, that those who pay the cost
of raising the next generation of taxpayers should pay lower taxes
now, while those who do not take on the costs and responsibility of
raising children, yet expect to be supported by the taxes paid by
other people’s children, should carry the heavier tax burden today.
Tax relief for couples with children should also include payroll
taxes for Social Security and Medicare, because these taxes are
increasingly the ones that most limit the ability of working
low-income families to meet the expenses of raising
children.
Fertility and
Prosperity
The
famous "baby boom," commencing in the aftermath of World War II and
continuing into the early 1960s, sparked an enormous surge in the
economy, with an unprecedented demand for food, housing, appliances,
furniture, toys, clothing, automobiles, and school buildings. An
article in the April 18, 1952, edition of U.S. News & World
Report, titled "More Babies, More Business," well illustrates
the optimism of the period:
"The
baby boom has been so large and so fast that the country still has
trouble adjusting its thinking. In six years about 22 million
children have been added to the population. That almost equals the
entire population of the U.S. in 1850. It is half the population of
Great Britain. In numbers of consumers, the postwar children
represent a market equal to the 11 Mountain and Pacific States, plus
Louisiana. That new market has appeared in 312 weeks. In the same
period, the net population growth—births minus deaths—has totaled 13
million. Never before—not even in the heyday of immigration—has the
U.S. grown so fast.
"In
1952, barring the unexpected, a new market equivalent to the
population of Indiana will be presented to industry. That will be
the effect of the 3.9 million births estimated for this year. These
will bring to nearly 26 million the new children gained by the
nation since World War II. They must be fed, housed, clothed,
educated, and given all the other goods and services they require.
Their vast number guarantees, too, another population spurt in about
20 years as they reach marrying age."
In
1965 Robert C. Cook, President of the Population Reference Bureau,
stated that the slumping birth rate of that year—when for the first
time in 12 years the number of U.S. births dropped below 4
million—was "unquestionably related to a recognition that rearing
children was an expensive undertaking." At that time, the cost to an
average family with an annual income of $6,600 of raising a child to
age 18 was estimated by the Institute of Life Insurance in New York
to be $23,835.
The
following two decades saw a fall in fertility that no doubt had
something to do with the changes in sexual and social mores in the
1960s, but that also coincided with a growing proportion of income
being taken in federal income and payroll taxes. The fertility rate
bottomed at 1.73 during the "malaise" years of the Carter
administration. (U.S. fertility had also plummeted during the Great
Depression.) The Reagan years, which saw the indexing of tax
brackets and exemptions in 1981 and the increase in the personal
exemption in 1986—coinciding with "morning in America" economic
expansion— also saw a modest upturn in fertility: to 2.0 by the end
of the second Reagan administration.
The
Road Ahead
It is
ironic that the importance of children to the future has been
understood by primitive tribes since early times, but that in
today’s supposedly sophisticated society, men and women behave as if
children are no longer important to the survival of peoples. It is
crucial that leaders in the news media, government, and industry
understand the consequences of what is now beginning to happen in
Europe and do everything possible to prevent the same thing from
happening in the United States. Our leaders must find the courage to
explain to older citizens the need to sacrifice some benefits for
the future of the nation which so many have fought to preserve.
Clever
solutions can buy time for industry and for government.
Manufacturers of strollers can switch to producing wheelchairs, and
baby-food manufacturers can start producing foods for the elderly.
In the case of Social Security and Medicare, raising the retirement
age, taxing the benefits of well-to-do senior citizens, forcing
greater savings for retirement through an investment-based Social
Security system, and in some way rationing medical care might all,
though disagreeable, help postpone the day of reckoning. Such
actions, however, cannot solve the basic problem: in the long term,
a people must have sufficient children in order to survive.
We
cannot continue to behave as ignorantly as the Titanic’s
passengers. Fertility statistics are freely available, and they
clearly foretell the nation’s sad prospect if steps are not taken to
change the course of our destiny. A people that does not produce new
generations large enough to replace the old has no future.
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